Definition And Types Of Anxiety English Language Essay

Definition And Types Of Anxiety English Language Essay In order to understand the specific type of anxiety that learners experience in a foreign language classroom, it is important to first consider anxiety in general terms. As a psychological construct, anxiety is described as a state of apprehension, a vague fear that is only indirectly associated with an object (Scovel, 1991, cited in Tanveer, 2007, p. 3). Speiberger (1976, cited in Wang, 2005, p. 13) distinguished anxiety from fear by pointing out that although anxiety and fear are both unpleasant emotional reactions to the stimulus conditions perceived as threatening, fear is usually derived from a real, objective danger in the external environment while the threatening stimulus of anxiety may not be known. Spielberger (1983, cited in Wilson, 2006, p. 41) defined anxiety as the subjective feeling of tension, apprehension, nervousness, and worry associated with an arousal of the autonomic nervous system. More specifically, Morris, David, Hutchings (1981, cited in Wilson, 2006, p. 41) claimed that general anxiety consists of two components: worry and emotionality. Worry or cognitive anxiety refers to negative expectations and cognitive concerns about oneself, the situation at hand, and possible consequences, and emotionality or somatic anxiety concerns ones perceptions of the physiological-affective elements of the anxiety experience, which are indications of autonomic arousal and unpleasant feeling states, such as nervousness, upset stomach, pounding heart, sweating, and tension (Morris, David, Hutchings, 1981, cited in Wilson, 2006, p. 41, cited in Cubucku, 2007, p. 134). Trait Anxiety, State Anxiety, and Situation-specific Anxiety MacIntyre Gardner (1991, p. 87-92) identified three approaches to the study of anxiety, which are: trait anxiety, state anxiety, and situation-specific anxiety. Trait anxiety is an individuals likelihood of becoming anxious in any situation (Spielberger, 1983, cited in MacIntyre Gardner, 1991, p. 87). As trait anxiety is a relatively stable personality characteristic, a person who is trait anxious would probably become anxious in many different kinds of situations, more frequently or more intensely than most people do (Woodrow, 2006, p. 309). This approach to anxiety research has been criticized in that the interpretation of trait anxiety would be meaningless without being considered in interaction with situations because a particular situation may be perceived as anxiety-provoking by some but not by others although those people may have similar trait anxiety scores (MacIntyre Gardner, 1991, p. 88). State anxiety, in contrast to the stable nature of trait anxiety, is momentary and thus not an enduring characteristic of an individuals personality. It is the apprehension that is experienced at a particular moment in time (MacIntyre Gardner, 1991, p. 90). In other words, it is a transient anxiety, an unpleasant emotional temporary state, a response to a particular anxiety-provoking stimulus such as an important test (Spielberger, 1983, cited in Wang, 2005, p.13, and cited in Tanveer, 2007, p. 4). The higher the level of trait anxiety an individual possess, the higher the level of state anxiety he or she may experience in stressful situations (MacIntyre Gardner, 1991, p. 90). The state-anxiety approach to anxiety research has been criticized for asking the question Are you nervous now? instead of Did this situation make you nervous?; in other words, it does not the subjects to ascribe their anxiety experience to any particular source (MacIntyre Gardner, 1991, p. 90). Situation-specific anxiety re ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å¡ects a trait anxiety that recurs consistently over time within a given situation (MacIntyre Gardner, 1991, p. 87; Spielberger, Anton and Bedell, 1976, cited in Woodrow, 2006, p. 309). Zheng (2008, p. 2) proposed that the three categories of anxiety can be identified on a continuum from stability to transience, with trait anxiety related to a generally stable predisposition to be anxious across situations on one end, state anxiety related to a temporary unpleasant emotional state on the other, and situational-specific anxiety related to the probability of becoming anxious in particular situations in the middle of the continuum. According to MacIntyre and Gardner (1991, p. 90), situation-specific anxiety can be considered as trait anxiety, which is limited to a specific context. This perspective examines anxiety reactions in a well-defined situation such as public speaking, during tests, when solving mathematics problems, or in a foreign languag e class (MacIntyre Gardner, 1991, p. 90). Facilitating Anxiety and Debilitating Anxiety Facilitating anxiety improves learning and performance, while debilitating anxiety is associated with poor learning and performance. According to Scovel (1978, cited in Tanveer, 2007, p. 10), anxiety, in its debilitating and facilitating forms, serves simultaneously to motivate and to warn the learner. Facilitating anxiety occurs when the difficulty level of the task triggers the proper amount of anxiety (Scovel, 1978, cited in Zheng, 2008, p. 2). In such case, facilitating anxiety motivates the learner to fight the new learning task; it gears the learner emotionally for approach behavior (Scovel, 1991, cited in Tanveer, 2007, p. 11). However, although a certain level of anxiety may be beneficial, too much anxiety can become debilitating: it motivates the learner to flee the new learning task; and stimulates the individual emotionally to adopt avoidance behavior which may lead to avoidance of work and inefficient work performance (Scovel, 1978, cited in Zheng, 2008, p. 2; Scovel, 199 1, cited in Tanveer, 2007, p. 11). Such phenomenon can be best described by the Yerkes-Dodson Law, which suggests a curvilinear association between arousal and performance (Wilson, 2006, p. 45). When represented graphically on an inverted U-shaped curve, the Yerkes-Dodson Law shows that too little arousal produces minimum performance; moderate arousal enhances performance and reaches a peak at the top of the curve; after that, too much arousal will again hinder performance (MacIntyre, 1995, p. 92). FIGURE 1 (MacIntyre, 1995, p. 92) Anxiety in Foreign Language Learning Language learning anxiety has been classified as a situation-speci ¬Ã‚ c anxiety, or a trait which recurs consistently over time within the given context of language learning situations, that is, the language classrooms (MacIntyre and Gardner, 1991; Horwitz, 2001). Horwitz et al. (1986) were the first to treat foreign language anxiety as a separate and distinct phenomenon particular to language learning (Young, 1991, cited in Wang, 2005, p. 16). According to Horwitz et al. (1986, p. 128), foreign language anxiety is a distinct complex of self-perceptions, feelings, and behaviors related to classroom learning arising from the uniqueness of the language learning process. Other researchers also proposed similar definitions. Oh (1992, cited in Wang, 2005, p. 16) perceived of foreign language anxiety as a situation-specific anxiety students experience in the classroom, which is characterized by negative self-centered thoughts, feelings of inadequacy, fear of failure, and emotional reactions. In a similar vein, MacIntyre and Gardner (1994, cited in Wang, 2005, p. 16) described foreign language anxiety as the feelings of tension and apprehension, which are particularly associated with activities in a second language learning context. According to Horwitz (1986, p. 126), anxiety centers on the two basic task requirements of foreign language learning: listening and speaking, and difficulty in speaking in class is probably the most frequently cited concern of the anxious foreign language students. On the other hand, Hilleson (1996, cited in Matsuda Gobel, 2004, p. 22), in his diary study, identified various types of anxiety related to different skill areas: the participants in his research demonstrated anxiety related to not only speaking and listening but also reading and writing. Although research into foreign language anxiety has been almost entirely associated with the oral aspects of language use, there has been a recent trend to identify the relationship between anxiety and other language proficiencies ((Horwitz, 2001, p. 120; Matsuda Gobel, 2004, p. 22). According to Tallon (2008, p. 7), while previous studies suggested that foreign language classroom anxiety is a more general type of anxiety about learning a second language with a strong speaking anxiety element, recent research on foreign language anxiety showed the existence of language-skill-specific anxieties: listening, reading, and writing. The Measurement of Anxiety in Foreign Language Learning Generally, there are three major ways of measuring anxiety in research, including behavioral observation; physiological assessment such as heart rates or blood pressure tests; and participants self-reports of their internal feelings and reactions (Casado Dereshiwsky, 2001; Daly, 1991; cited in Zheng, 2008, p. 3). According to Zheng (2008, p. 3), participants self-reports are by far the most common way of examining the anxiety phenomenon in educational research. Early Research on Foreign Language Anxiety As anxiety is a complex, multi-faceted construct (Phillips, 1992, p. 14), it is not surprising that early studies of the relationship between anxiety and language learning provided mixed and confusing results. Youngs (1991, p. 438-439) review of sixteen studies that examining how anxiety interferes with language learning and performance showed inconsistent results both within and across studies, and she concluded that research in the area of anxiety as it relates to second or foreign language learning and performance was scattered and inconclusive. According to Horwitz (2010, p. 157), Scovels review of the then available literature on anxiety and language learning can be considered a turning point in the study of foreign language learning anxiety. Scovel (1978, cited in Horwitz, 2001, p. 113) attributed the truly conflicting set of findings to ambiguity in the conceptualization and measurement of anxiety. He argued that since the early studies employed different anxiety measures such as test anxiety or facilitating-debilitating anxiety, etc, it was understandable that they found different relationships between anxiety and language learning. Some studies found the anticipated negative relationship between anxiety and language achievement, but there were also several studies which found no relationship, and positive relationships between anxiety and second language achievement were also identified. For example, in a research conducted by Chastain in 1975 (cited in Horwitz, 2010, p. 156), the directions of the correlations between anxiety (test anxiety) and language learning (course grades) in three languages (French, German, and Spanish) were not consistent, indicating three levels of correlation: positive, negative, and near zero. Backman (1976, cited in Aida, 1994, p. 156) examined Venezuelan students learning English in the US, whose language progress measured by a placement test, a listening comprehension test, and teachers ratings did not show a significant correlation with any of the anxiety measures. Kleinmann (1977, cited in Horwitz, 2010, p. 156) utilized the facilitating-debilitating anxiety framework to study Spanish-speaking and Arabic-speaking ESL students, and found that learners with more facilitating anxiety had a lower tendency toward avoidance behavior in the oral production of linguistically difficult English structures while there was no evidence that debilitating anxiety negatively influenced their oral performance. Horwitz, Horwitz, and Copes Construct of Foreign Language Anxiety It is essential to trace the development and subsequent use of the Foreign Language Classroom Anxiety Scale (Horwitz et al., 1986), as this instrument has been employed so widely (in its original form, or translated, or adapted) and with such consistent results since it first appeared. As it has been observed to be highly reliable (Horwitz, 1986; Aida, 1994; Rodriguez Abreu, 2003), I was interested in using it for my research. 3.2.1. Development of the FLCAS According to Horwitz (1986b, p. 559), research into the relationship between anxiety and language achievement had been held back by the lack of a reliable and valid measure of anxiety specific to language learning. She further stated that although teachers and students generally felt that anxiety is an obstacle to be overcome in learning a second language, the empirical literature at that time failed to adequately define second language anxiety and to demonstrate a clear-cut relationship between anxiety and language achievement or performance. She suggested that one likely explanation for the inconclusive results of previous studies was that existing measures of anxiety did not test an individuals response to the specific stimulus of language learning. The Foreign Language Classroom Anxiety Scale was developed so as to provide researchers with a standard instrument for such purpose (Horwitz, 1986b, p. 559). This self-report measure was claimed to evaluate the degree of anxiety, as ev idenced by negative performance expectancies and social comparisons, psycho-physiological symptoms, and avoidance behaviors (Horwitz, 1986b, p. 559). The author stated that the scales items were developed from student reports, clinical experience, and a review of related instruments. 3.2.2. Conceptual Foundations of Foreign Language Anxiety From a theoretical viewpoint, Horwitz et al. (1986, p. 127) argued that foreign language anxiety implies performance evaluation within an academic and social context. They therefore identified the three related performance anxieties: communication apprehension test anxiety; and fear of negative evaluation, which are believed to provide useful conceptual building blocks for a description of foreign language anxiety (Horwitz, 1986, p. 128). However, Horwitz (1986, p. 128; 2010, p. 158) also emphasized that foreign language anxiety is not a simple combination of these performance anxieties transferred to foreign language learning. Instead, it is perceived as a distinct complex of self-perceptions, beliefs, feelings, and behaviors à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ arising from the uniqueness of the language learning process (Horwitz, 1986, p. 128). Communication apprehension was originally defined by McCroskey (1977, cited in Aida, 1994, p. 156) as an individuals level of fear or anxiety associated with either real or anticipated communication with another person or persons. According to McCroskey (1984, cited in Wang, 2005, p. 17), the typical behavior patterns of communicatively apprehensive people are communication avoidance, communication withdrawal, and communication disruption. According to Horwitz (1986, p. 127), due to its emphasis on interpersonal interactions, the construct of communication apprehension plays an important role in language learning. Difficulty in speaking in groups (oral communication anxiety) or in front of the class (stage fright), or in listening to or learning a spoken message (receiver anxiety) are suggested to be all manifestations of communication apprehension (Horwitz, 1986, p. 127). People whose typical communication apprehension is high tend to encounter even greater difficulty communicating in a foreign language class where they have little control of the communicative situation, there exists a disparity between learners mature thoughts and their immature foreign language proficiency, and their performance is constantly monitored (Horwitz, 1986; Horwitz and Gregersen, 2002, p. 562). The inability to express oneself fully or to understand others not only lead to frustration and apprehension in typical apprehensive communicators but also make many otherwise talkative people become silent in a foreign language class (Horwitz, 1986, p. 127). Test-anxiety, or the tendency to view with alarm the consequences of inadequate performance in an evaluative situation (Sarason, 1984, cited in Aida, 1994, p. 157), is also relevant to a discussion of foreign language anxiety because performance evaluation is an ongoing feature of most foreign language classes (Horwitz, 1986, p. 127). Some learners may inappropriately view foreign or second language production as a test situation rather than as an opportunity for communication (Horwitz, 1986, cited in Horwitz and Gregersen, 2002, p. 562). According to Horwitz (1986, p. 126), test-anxious students often put unrealistic demands on themselves and feel that anything less than a perfect test performance is a failure. Unfortunately, students who are test-anxious may suffer considerable stress and difficulty in foreign language classrooms since daily evaluation of skills are quite common and frequent in most foreign language classes. Moreover, making mistakes is inevitable in the language l earning process, and even the brightest and most prepared students often make errors (Horwitz, 1986, p. 128). Fear of negative evaluation, the third performance anxiety related to foreign language learning, is defined as apprehension about others evaluations, avoidance of evaluative situations, and the expectations that others would evaluate oneself negatively (Watson and Friend, 1969, cited in Horwitz, 1986, p. 128). Although similar to test anxiety to some extent, fear of negative evaluation is broader in scope in that it applies to any social and/or evaluative situation in which an individual worries about the possibility of being unfavorably evaluated by others (Wilson, 2006, p. 68). Horwitz (1986, p. 128) pointed out what distinguishes foreign language learning from other academic subjects is that language learners are continually evaluated by the teacher and may also feel they are subject to the evaluation of their peers. Unfortunately, learners who are highly concerned about the impressions others are forming of them tend to behave in ways that minimize the possibility of negative eva luations (Horwitz and Gregersen, 2002, p. 562). In foreign language classrooms, students with a fear of negative evaluation tend to sit passively in the classroom, withdrawing from classroom activities that could otherwise enhance their improvement of the language skills or even cutting class to avoid anxiety situations (Aida, 1994, p. 157). 3.2.3. Reliability and Validity of the FLCAS Horwitz et al. (1986) developed the Foreign Language Classroom Anxiety Scale (FLCAS) as a 33-item self-report instrument scored on the basis of a 5-point Likert-type scale, from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Students respond to statements regarding their reactions to foreign/second language classes. Possible scores on the FLCAS range from 33 to 165: the higher the score, the higher the anxiety level. Items were developed from student reports, interviews with specialists about their clinical experiences with anxious language learners, the authors teaching experiences, and a review of related measures of anxiety. According to Horwitz (1986, p. 129), pilot testing of the scale with seventy five introductory Spanish students at the University of Texas at Austin demonstrated its reliability and validity. In terms of internal reliability, the FLCAS achieved internal reliability, achieving an alpha coefficient of .93 with all items producing significant corrected item-total scale correlations. Test- retest reliability over eight weeks yielded an r = .83 (p In one sample of 108 introductory students of Spanish, scores ranged from 45 to 147 (M = 94.5, Mdn = 95.0, SD = 21.4). Internal consistency, as measured by Cronbachs alpha coefficient, was .93, and test-retest reliability over 8 weeks was r = .83, p = .001, n = .78. Aida (1994) tested Horwitz et al.s construct of foreign language anxiety by validating an adapted FLCAS for students of Japanese. She aimed to discover the underlying structure of the FLCAS and to examine whether or not the structure reflects the three kinds of anxiety presented earlier. Her study, using ninety-six students of Japanese, yielded internal consistency of .94 (X = 96.7 and SD = 22.1), using Cronbachs alpha coefficient. The reliability, mean, standard deviation, and range obtained in this study were very similar to those of Horwitz (1986), whose sample was a group of students in introductory Spanish classes. FIGURE 2 (Aida, 1994, p. 159) Manifestations of Foreign Language Learning Anxiety Anxiety, in general, can have physical/physiological, emotional, and behavioral manifestations, and these manifestations can differ with each individual. According to Oxford (1999, cited in Williams Andrade, 2009, p. 4, and cited in Yanling Guizheng, 2006, p. 98): Physical symptoms can include, for example, rapid heartbeat, muscle tension, dry mouth, and excessive perspiration. Psychological symptoms can include embarrassment, feelings of helplessness, fear, going blank, inability to concentrate, as well as poor memory recall and retention. Behavioral symptoms can include physical actions such as squirming, fidgeting, playing with hair or clothing ¼Ã…’ nervously touching objects, stuttering or stammering ¼Ã…’ displaying jittery behavior, being unable to reproduce the sounds or intonation of the target language even after repeated practice. More importantly, behavioral symptoms of anxiety can be manifested in negative avoidance behaviors like inappropriate silence, monosyllabic or non-committal responses, lack of eye contact, unwillingness to participate, coming late, arriving unprepared, showing indifference, cutting class, and withdrawal from the course. Other signs which might reflect language anxiety: overstudying, perfectionism, hostility, excessive competitiveness, as well as excessive self-effacement and self-criticism (e.g. I am so stupid). Causes of Foreign Language Learning Anxiety Research has indicated a number of ways that learning a foreign language can cause anxiety for language learners. Young (1991, p. 427), in a comprehensive review, summarized the personal factors and instructional factors contributing to language anxiety into six categories: 1) personal and interpersonal anxieties, 2) learner beliefs about language learning, 3) instructor beliefs about language teaching, 4) instructor learner interactions, 5) classroom procedures, and 6) language testing. Generally, the six factors proposed by Young (1991) combine with other factors indicated by other researchers to form three main sources of foreign language anxiety: learners characteristics, teachers characteristics, and classrooms characteristics (Tallon, 2009, p. 2). Personal factors (Learner characteristics) Personal and interpersonal issues, according to Young (1991, p. 427), are possibly the most commonly cited and discussed sources of language anxiety. Several studies have discovered the link between anxiety and proficiency (Aida, 1994; Gardner, 1985; Gardner et al., 1997, cited in Zhang, 2010, p. 9). There are significant differences between high proficiency and low proficiency students in language anxiety level with the low proficiency students being much more anxious (Young, 1991). In a similar vein, Horwitz (1986) attributed anxiety to learners immature communicative ability in the foreign language. On the other hand, several other researchers argued that low self-esteem and competitiveness are the two significant sources of learner anxiety. Bailey (1983, cited in Young, 1991, p. 427) studied the diary entries of 11 students and reported that competitiveness can lead to anxiety when language learners compare themselves to others or to an idealized self-image. Likewise, Price (1991 , cited in Young, 1991, p. 427) stated that the majority of her subjects believed their language skills to be weaker than those of the others in class; that they werent doing a good job and that everyone else looked down on them. As regards to self-esteem, Hembree (1988, cited in Young, 1991, p. 427) implied that students who start out with a self-perceived low ability level in a foreign or second language are most likely to experience language anxiety. Krashen (1981, cited in Ohata, 2005, p. 5) also suggests that anxiety can arise according to ones degree of self-esteem as those students tend to worry about what their peers or friends think, in fear of their negative responses or evaluation. In addition, Gregersen and Horwitz (2002) examined the relationship between foreign language anxiety and perfectionism, and found some common characteristics between anxious language learners and perfectionists (e.g., higher standards for their English performance, a greater tendency toward pro crastination, more worry over the opinions of others, and a higher level of concern over their errors). The authors supposed that such characteristics may make language learning unpleasant and less successful for the perfectionist students than for others. Another personality trait that has a positive correlation with foreign language anxiety is shyness: Chu (2008, cited in Zhang, 2010, p. 11) affirmed that anxiety, willingness to communicate, and shyness function together to create a negative impact on Taiwanese students study of English. Learner beliefs about language learning, if erroneous and unrealistic, are also a major factor contributing to language anxiety (Young, 1991, p. 428). According to Tallon (2008, p. 4) when students unrealistic expectations about language learning are not met it can lead to negative feelings about ones intelligence and abilities. For example, the language learners in Horwitzs study (1988, cited in Young, 1991, p. 428): 1) expressed great concern over the correctness of their utterances; 2) placed a great deal of stress on speaking with an excellent accent; 3) supported the notion that language learning is primarily translating from English and memorizing vocabulary words and grammatical rules; as well as 4) believed that two years is enough time to become fluent in another language; and believed some people were more able to learn a foreign language than others. Such erroneous beliefs may make the students later become disappointed and frustrated. In addition, Horwitz (1989, cited in Tallon, 2008, p. 5) found a link between several language learning beliefs and levels of foreign language anxiety in university Spanish students: the more anxious learners judged language learning to be relatively difficult and themselves to possess relatively low levels of foreign language aptitude. Palacios (1998, cited in Tallon, 2008, p. 5) also found that the following beliefs are associated with learner anxiety: the feeling that mastering a language is an overwhelming task; the feeling that one needs to go through a translation process in order to communicate in the target language; the difficulty of keeping everything in ones head; and the belief that learning a language is easier at an earlier age. Tallon (2008, p. 5) concluded that all of those faulty beliefs may cause the students to have unrealistic expectations about the language learning process, and thus lead to anxiety. Instructional factors Teacher characteristics Instructor beliefs about language teaching, which determines instructor-learner interactions, are a further source of language anxiety because the teachers assumption on the role of language teachers may not always correspond to the students needs or expectations toward the him or her (Ohata, 2005, p. 7). Young (1991, p. 428) listed the following teacher beliefs which have been shown to evoke feelings of anxiety in students: it is necessary for the teacher to be intimidating at times; the instructor is supposed to correct every single mistake made by the students; group or partner work is not appropriate because it can get out of control; the teacher should do most of the talking; and the instructors role is that of a drill sergeant. According to Tallon (2008, p. 5), a judgmental teaching attitude (Samimy, 1994) and a harsh manner of teaching (Aida, 1994) are closely linked to student fear in the classroom. Besides, Palacios (1998, cited in Tallon, 2008, p. 5) found the following characteristics of the teacher to be associated with anxiety: absence of teacher support, unsympathetic personalities, lack of time for personal attention, favoritism, absence that the class does not provide students with the tools necessary to match up with the teachers expectations, and the sense of being judged by the teacher or wanting to impress the teacher. Moreover, Young (1999, cited in Tallon, 2008, p. 6) stated that using speaking activities that put the learner on the spot in front of their classmates without allowing adequate preparation are also sources of anxiety for many students. Additionally, Ando (1999, cited in Tallon, 2008, p. 6) argued that having a native speaker for a teacher can cause anxiety because the teacher may lack the sensitivity of the learning process or the teachers English may be hard for students to understand. Classroom characteristics Classroom procedures and other classrooms characteristics are the third major source of foreign language learning anxiety. Young (1990, cited in Tallon, p. 6) proposed a list of classroom activities which are perceived as anxiety-provoking: (1) spontaneous role play in front of the class; (2) speaking in front of the class; (3) oral presentations or skits in front of the class; (4) presenting a prepared dialogue in front of the class; and (5) writing work on the board. Similarly, Palacios (1998, cited in Tallon, p. 6) found demands of oral production, feelings of being put on the spot, the pace of the class, and the element of being evaluated (i.e., fear of negative evaluation) to be anxiety-producing to students. Notably, Oxford (1999, cited in Tallon, p. 7) emphasized learning and teaching styles as a potential source of language anxiety. If the instructors teaching style and a students learning style are not compatible, style wars can trigger or heighten anxiety levels. In addition, it is understandable that language testing may lead to foreign language anxiety (Young, 1991, p. 428). For example, difficult tests, especially tests that do not match the teaching in class, as well as unclear or unfamiliar test tasks and formats can all create learner anxiety. Effects of Foreign Language Learning Anxiety Foreign Language Learning Anxiety and its Associations with the three stages of the Language Acquisition process (Input, Processing, and Output) The effects of language anxiety can be explained with reference to the cognitive consequences of anxiety arousal (Eysenck, 1979; Schwazer, 1986; cited in MacIntyre Gardner, 1994, p. 2). When an individual becomes anxious, negative self-related cognition begins: thoughts of failure (e.g. I will never be able to finish this), self-deprecation (I am just no good at this), and avoidance (I wish this was over) begin to emerge. They consume cognitive resources that might otherwise be applied to the learning task. This then creates even more difficulties in cognitive processing because fewer available resources may lead to failure, which results in more negative cognitions that further consume cognitive resources, and so on. According to MacIntyre (1995, p. 26), anxiety can be problematic for the language learner because language learning itself is a fairly intense cognitive activity that relies on encoding, storage, and retrieval processes (MacIntyre, 1995, p. 26), and anxiety interferes with each of these cognitive processes by creating a divided attention scenario (Krashe

Nauru: The Gap Between Perception and Reality Essay -- Country Analysi

It would be easy to overlook the third smallest country in the world as a frivolous waste of time. Nothing could be further from the truth in regards to the island of Nauru. It is a multifarious nation described as almost a topographical micro slice of paradise. The Nauruan people have formed a democratic republic with a constitution safeguarding liberties and ensuring prosperity. At least this is according to the Nauru websites available to the public. Countries often present themselves as a glossy postcard picture on the outside. This picture does not always match the reality of what is on the inside. Looking at what the Nauruan Government and Tourist Organization have to say can serve as a baseline for comparison to the realities that Nauru is facing and the gap between the two. Nauru is a small island located only 26 miles south of the equator with a land mass of just over eight square miles. The government describes the island purely in topographical terms as â€Å"surrounded by a coral reef, exposed at low tide and dotted with pinnacles. The reef is bound seaward by deep water, and inside by a sandy beach. The presence of the reef has prevented the establishment of a seaport †¦a 150–300 meter wide fertile coastal strip lies landward from the beach. Coral cliffs surround the central plateau. The only fertile areas are the narrow coastal belt† (Republic of Nauru [RON], 2012, p.1). The Nauru government is also very proud of their parliamentary democracy and much of their website explains not only the freedom but also compulsory voting at age twenty and above. Their constitution also touts the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms such as â€Å"life, liberty, security of the person, the enjoyment of property and th... ...all, D. (2009). Doomed Island: Nauru's short-sightedness and resulting decline are an urgent warning to the rest of the planet. Alternatives Journal, 35(1), 34-37. Nauru Tourism, Department of Economic Development.(2012). Unique Nauru. Retrieved on 27 May 2012 from: http://www.discovernauru.com/ Singh, S. (2007, Mar 28). South pacific: Island nations struggle with obesity epidemic. Global Information Network, pp. 1. http://search.proquest.com/docview/457564219?Accountid =38569 The Republic of Nauru.(2011). Republic of Nauru. Retrieved on 27 May 2012 from: http://www.naurugov.nr/index.html The Republic of Nauru.(2011). The constitution of Nauru. Retrieved on 27 May 2012 from: http://www.naurugov.nr/parliament/constitution.html U.S, Department of State Website(2012) Background Note: Nauru. Retrieved on 27 May 2012 from: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/16447.htm

An Examination of Two Sides of a Controversy

One that might make your hair rise, scream with all your might or run very fast is the sight of a human skull and skeleton during a full moon in an old abandoned house. This is the usual scene in a horror movie. Indeed, people fear seeing human remains. But skeletal remains can also cause conflict between museum owners, scientists and tribal groups.Authorities are usually torn between legal wrangling of these groups each one claiming the remains’ ownership. Nations of the world are also locked in debates over cultural property rights and intellectual property rights. The dispute between two great nations over great artifacts also has some repercussion on the economy of these two countries.Almost all schools and universities in the world maintain a museum basically for their activities in arts and sciences. In here, actual samples or replicas of the past are stored and lessons are becoming interesting if students can readily see what they read in the books. The more interesting the contents of the museums, the more famous they become. This generates sense of pride for the institution and sometimes become a source of revenues too.This is the reason why museums are trying to acquire interesting objects and when they become part of the museum, the real owner of the object finds it difficult to claim it. This becomes the source of conflict between museum administrator and Native Americans in the case of ancient artifacts. Archaeologists too are hard bent on keeping them because they are prized possessions and scientists can discover various things from studying the object and contribute to the enhancement of science.One afternoon of a windy Sunday, more than ten years ago, while seeing hydroplane race, along the shores of the Columbia River, two students found human skull that was washed into the shore. An almost complete skeleton was also found in the place. Study conducted on the remains has yielded information that the skull is already 9,400 years old. A c onflict ensued immediately among scientists, Native Americans including local authorities (Ainsworth 2000).In Honolulu, Hawaii, artifacts were borrowed from a museum but apparently, the group who borrowed failed to return the remains and refused to reveal the whereabouts of the Native Hawaiian artifacts. This led to the filing of contempt of court by the federal judge against four heads of a Hawaiian gang.The four are members of the group called Group Caring for the Ancestors of Hawaii. Members of the group claimed that the artifacts were removed from its original place by an archaeologist and illegally offered for sale to the Museum. Group members assert that they just return the artifacts to where they rightly belong (New York Times 2005).An archaeology student recovered bones, beads and pieces of shells in Dry Lake Cave at the southern tip of Owens Valley in 1950. She wrote her findings in her record notebook. More than 50 years later, while her artifacts together with her record s are lying inside a stockroom in Hershey Hall, three elders of the tribal group Timbisha Shoshone of Death Valley carefully inspect artifacts trying to see objects with cultural value, which they feel are rightfully theirs. The land of their ancestors includes the Dry Lake Cave (Lee 2002).Pauline Estevez, a tribal leader, who had an invitation to visit UCLA from the Fowler Museum of Cultural History, remarked, â€Å"It is our obligation as Indian people to safeguard our land and its wealth, Some of the artifacts here are part of our treasures which we think should not be kept by the museum or its collector because the land is their rightful owner† (Lee 2002).That is the reason why Estevez took the opportunity to yield to the invitation of the Fowler Museum of Cultural History. As an elder of a tribal group, she feels that what belongs to her land should be returned because they are part of their culture. The artifacts can be their ancestors or the treasures they brought with them which witnessed the birth of their tribe. They take pride in those artifacts and should also be seen by the younger generations as part of their identity.The Kennewick man who was found in the shore of the Columbian river was supposed to be returned to the five American Indian Tribes who jointly filed a claim so that they can possess and rebury the remains that they believe are theirs. The claim was under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990. The natives might have the same motive as those inhabitants of Death Valley. What belongs to them should be returned so that the remains of their ancestors can reunite with their land and the community where they once belong.The natives feel that their ancestors will be more peaceful going back to where they belong rather than to remain in the cold museum (Ainsworth 2000). That could be the same motive that prompts leaders of the Hawaiian group not to return the artifacts that were borrowed from the Hawaiian museum. They asserted that since those artifacts were taken illegally from their original burial place, they should be returned there so that the souls of their ancestor will really lie in peace.Meanwhile, a group of angry archaeologists who are interested in the Kennewick man want to study the remains. The finding of a 9,400 year old artifact naturally will interest them. They protested the move that will give the natives the right to the ownership of the Kennewick man. That started the legal battle between the archaeologists and the ConfederatedTribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation (Ainsworth 2000). While the natives are fighting for the return of the remains so that it can once again be a part of the original community and peacefully lie there, the scientists are hoping that they can contribute significantly to the world of science if they can study the remains. They believe that they can learn from the past as a way of improving the future.Thomas spoke in a crowded Kroeber H all and states that the significant issue about the Kennewick remains are neither about religion nor science. According to him the issue is with regards to politics and not philosophy, about leadership and power. The question of who calls the shot when it comes to ancient American history.Is it the federal, the science community or the American Indian? Thomas is a vocal advocate of cooperative partnership between the American Indians and the scientists. He maintained that in a case like the Kennewick man, it’s a long and bitter fight, which can reach the Supreme Court. He believes that this case can be settled away from the premises of the court (Ainsworth 2000).

An Interesting Approach to Parenting in To Kill a...

In the novel To Kill a mockingbird by Harper Lee, Atticus Finch takes an interesting approach(compared to other means in the era) to parenting his mischievous children, Jem and Scout Finch. Such methods include; never sheltering anything by always being honest, allowance of free will, and the lack of corporal punishment. Since these characters drive the plot, it is clear that the course of events is only possible with Atticus’s influence. In the 1930’s, and definitely still today, parents will fabricate the truth to their children. This is especially true if they are trying to explain philosophies or ideologies, like racism. Atticus Finch is not like these people. He never shelters Jem and Scout, and whenever they are puzzled about something, he answers it. This little interaction does little to nothing in contributing to the plot and characterization of the kids. However, when complicated and controversial questions arise on topics like race, class and religion, Atticus leaves nothing out. This does in fact contribute to the novel, and an example is shown on page 76, â€Å"[Atticus speaking to Scout] Simply because we were licked a hundred years before we started is no reason for us not to try to win.† This is an answer Atticus gives to Scout when she asks him why he is representing a man who is bound to lose. Obviously, it is that Tom is black, and a black man touching a white woman was in that era obs cene, therefore a question of that nature could be prompted. Instead of